Why a 'Bonfire of the Quangos' is crucial to defeating Reform and saving democracy

As First Minister, I promised a ‘Bonfire of the Quangos’ that never happened. We need one now more than ever as they are causing a real problem for democracy

As voters embrace populism and, ultimately, authoritarianism, it is time to reinvent our democracy. The early years of the 21st century have introduced a worrying period of political unrest and the questioning of progressive, liberal ideals.

Our democracy, politics and governance are scrutinised by angry, mistrustful and volatile voters across Europe. The United Kingdom is politically divided, with large swathes of the population feeling disillusioned and relegated to a walk-on part in elections every four or five years. There is a diminishing sense of political vision for the UK. And trust, in all forms of government, is declining.

Donald Trump has created chaos in America and a crisis in international affairs. The title of award-winning journalist Gideon Rachman’s book, “The Age of The Strongman: How the Cult of the Leader Threatens Democracy around the World”, says it all.

Trump is not unique. He is from the same mould and has the same populist script as Geert Wilders in the Netherlands, Hungary’s Victor Orban, India’s Narendra Modi, Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu, and Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro.

The low turnout at the 2024 general election was a warning sign for democracy in the UK (Picture: Ian Forsyth) | Getty Images

Fear, lies and contempt

Understanding populism is key to explaining why so many voters are embracing it and turning their backs on democracy. Definitions of left and right, class and culture, ideology and identity, and the role of technology and wealth are changing the context of politics.

Democracy – the power of the people, not the power of a few people – must remain our guiding political principle. Populism is described as a disaffection from mainstream politics and a hostility to political elites who are accused of ignoring the interests of ‘the people’. Their agenda includes ethnic nationalism, authoritarianism, xenophobia, and nativism, and an increasing hostility to issues of gender and minorities: division, lies, fear, contempt for the law and disinformation are all key.

A widening expectation gap, deepening inequalities, a divisive electoral system and an unfair tax regime are weakening public trust in our democracy, as are London-centric political elites who often pay lip service to the devolved nations.

Alienation breeds discontent. People feeling left behind are increasingly conscious of stark social and economic disparities. The low election turnout in 2024 was a massive and frightening failure of democracy.

Worst form of government?

There have been many critics of democracy over the years. Plato, the Greek philosopher, thought the best form of government would be by philosopher kings or aristocrats, who he deemed uniquely qualified, unlike most people who had no intelligence, wisdom or character!

The US’s Founding fathers were eager to get rid of the monarchy but weren’t comfortable with what they saw as “mob rule”. And Winston Churchill suggested democracy was the worst form of government – “except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time”.

There is no disputing the fact that politics is complex. Distilling the hopes and aspirations of millions of people into manageable pieces of legislation and executive action is not easy. The forces of change, especially technological, are outstripping our ability to cope and are in danger of overwhelming us.

The political battle between good and evil is not new. The “Allegory of Good and Bad Government”, frescoes painted by Ambrogio Lorenzetti in 14th-century Siena, explains: “When good government reigns all is well. When bad government plagues the realm, the Tyrant usurps the power of the people and the citizens suffer.” Harmony between peoples requires “prudence, justice, concord, peace and wisdom” not “division, deceit, avarice, fury and vainglory and even tyranny”.

In 1958, Harvard economist JK Galbraith published “The Affluent Society” and talked about the culture of contentment in which a class defends its comfortable status at a cost – often a political one. He argued that this “culture of immediate gratification” rejected regulation and increased taxation that could remedy social ills. The “dangers of a self-serving, dominant political class, stultifying contentment, and a culture of complacency” appeared to be giving up on social and economic progress, he warned.

Galbraith could have been talking about the modern-day UK and US when he said: “The affluent society defined the decade of unrivalled prosperity alongside crippling poverty, expanded opportunity alongside entrenched discrimination and new liberating lifestyles alongside a stifling conformity.”

Slow, bureaucratic and injust

Traditional parties must take responsibility for the turmoil that has engulfed Western democracies and focus on charges of elitism, a lack of accountability and the remoteness of our politics. Government is often characterised as slow, complicated, difficult, elite, obscure and, in some cases, ridiculous.

There are many areas – that may seem minor but impact the mood, anger and frustrations of voters – where change is needed, such as:

One, Westminster governments are attracted to public inquiries, but seem incapable of matching public concerns about justice, practical outcomes and speedy conclusions. Scandals over contaminated blood transfusions, the Post Office, Grenfell Tower, and Windrush, all raise issues in the public’s mind of an unyielding bureaucracy, unfathomable timescales, too much law, and little justice for victims. People are angry about whose interests are being served.

Two, as First Minister I promised a “Bonfire of the Quangos” in 2001. It didn’t happen. Today the existence of non-departmental public bodies and other agencies distort and confuse ideas of responsibility, effectiveness and accountability in government.

Three, current public concerns suggest government should not compromise child safeguards in order to placate US technology giants seeking profit and minimal or no regulation of the internet.

Nostalgia, not a vision for the future

Deep introspection at all levels of government is desperately needed on these issues and more.

The Reform UK party poses a threat to our democracy and politics. They prey on the weaknesses of traditional parties, exploit that sense of ordinary people being left behind and offer nostalgia instead of a vision for the future.

In a country where nearly half of the electorate didn’t bother to vote in 2024, first-past-the-post elections may provide a terrifying opportunity for Reform to cause an upset. Our democracy needs to be reinvented. In the age of Trump the Terrible, we must work out how to fight back.

Henry McLeish is a former Labour First Minister