Michael Kelly: Can Labour be a grand old team to play for?

IT HAS not been a great year for Celtic-supporting Labour Party members. However, there may at last be a glimmer of good news on both fronts.

Peter Lawwell, the club's chief executive, has apologised for an unacceptable season. The fact that he did this in the context of a begging letter urging season ticket holders to renew their briefs should not detract from the sincerity of his sorrow. He probably missed out on a big bonus. But we still have to see his new "Plan A" for building a winning team.

On the other hand, Iain Gray, Labour's leader in the Scottish Parliament, got down more directly to revealing his recipe for success. He has the advantage of having no need to apologise for results, as Labour did very well in Scotland. But now that the UK championship has gone, he has to devise and unroll the strategy necessary for Labour to win back the domestic honours.

His first step was to call upon Lib Dems disaffected by the Westminster coalition to turn to Labour. It is, of course, the right thing to do – to offer a home in his broad church to the disillusioned and the disenfranchised. The unease of Charles Kennedy and Menzies Campbell and the prolonged hesitation of the normally effusive Tavish Scott suggest that the disquiet over the carve-up is running silent, running deep. When, fed up with being out-manoeuvred by Cameron, the Lib Dems disintegrate as a party, it is important that Labour picks up as many of the pieces as possible. Might as well start now.

But it mustn't interfere with the overall plan to win back power in Holyrood. Labour's strategy will be based on interpreting the outcome of the General Election in Scotland as a plea from the Scottish people to protect them from the worst the Tories can throw at them. This means retaking ground the SNP invaded during the years of Labour's unpopularity. Until now, the Nats have successfully squatted there. But the longer perspective suggests that a Tory government in Westminster causes Labour malcontents to return to the fold. Despite bringing down Jim Callaghan and allowing the Thatcher era to come to pass, the SNP never did particularly well as she set about destroying Scotland's economy. The proactive objection that Iain Gray took last week to NHS cuts in Glasgow is likely to be a feature of Labour opposition right through until next May. They have to stay ahead of the Nats in their reaction to the axes that are poised to fall.

Labour, like all of the other parties, has been trying to assess very quickly how the outcome of the General Election has shifted the dynamics of the politics at Holyrood. The conclusion is that these have moved most favourably for Labour. Six seats humiliate the boastful Nats who were pushed further on to the back foot by Labour attacking "their" NHS cuts. It is revealing that health secretary Nicola Sturgeon has this week fallen back from the ungrammatical "More Nats, Less Cuts" to a pledge of no compulsory redundancies – more an apology than a last line of defence.

That's the problem with being in power. It is one thing blustering away criticism at Question Time, but departmental ministers are forced into a discussion about decisions, even ones like this, which Nicola would say was imposed on her, because they are the ones implementing the plans. They can't dodge the detail and so are implicated in the plans they would rather have no part of.

The Tories must realise that they will spend the rest of the term enduring the jeers that will follow the UK's emergency Budget, while the Lib Dems will hope to keep their heads down and let Annabel Goldie take the hits.

But, despite this favourable environment, Labour cannot assume that it will be shooed into power next May. There is the small matter of the national leadership to be decided. While David seems to be the Miliband of choice at this early stage, it is vital for the party's credibility that there is a long and scrutinising leadership campaign. Policies more than personalities must be challenged to ensure that Scots who voted Labour to prevent a Tory government vote Labour again because its policies and its ability to implement them are clear and robust in the face of the formidable campaigning force of Alex Salmond. During elections, it's easy to blow houses down if the foundations are weak.

The apparent success of the SNP minority government has emboldened many on the Labour benches to think about going it alone if they should end up as the biggest party at Holyrood. Not the best idea. A minority Labour administration would encounter more coherent opposition in parliament than the SNP has so far done. And Salmond has had an easy ride by doing nothing that risks defeat – an observation by Labour, a criticism by Jim Sillars.

Labour must do more in power than that. So, while it woos Lib Dem voters, it has also got to do its sums. The psephology suggests it would be the SNP that would be the net beneficiary in terms of seats from any serious fall in support for the Lib Dems. I read into Gray's message a subtle undertone. It is an indication that, despite the back-room deals in London by power-hungry leaders, Labour here still believes that it is the party closest in philosophy and policies to the Lib Dems. Gray must feel that, even if Lib Dems don't move party, they will at least feel more comfortable moving slightly left than right. A Holyrood coalition must make sense.

Labour aims to conclude its selection process for candidates for the Scottish Parliament well before the summer ends. It is also determined to improve its performance in the regional lists by selecting candidates better known in their localities and supporting them with strong local media activity.

So the preparations are well advanced and expectations are high. But winning is never easy. The attitude must be right. Ask any Celtic supporter where complacency before a big match leads.