Cha bhiodh e ro ghlic dha tuathanaich ann an seo dhol an sàs ann an iomairtean poblachd

Le tuathanaich air feadh na Roinn Eòrpa ag iomairt air na sràidean agus iad mì-thoilichte le àrdachadh ann an cosgaisean agus na riaghailtean ùra mun àrainneachd, ‘s dòcha gu bheil cuid anns a’ ghnìomhachas ann an seo airson an eisimpleir a tha sin a leantainn. Ach, cha bhiodh sin ro chiallach.

Tha tuathanaich na Frainge air na tractaran mòra aca a thoirt air na prìomh rathaidean ag iomairt an aghaidh na tha tachairt. (Dealbh: Frederick Florin/AFP via Getty Images)

[English-language version below]

Anns a’ Ghearmailt, san Òlaind agus gu seachd àraid san Fhraing, tha iadsan ann an gnìomhachas an àiteachais air a bhith a’ sealltainn cho mì-thoilichte ‘s tha iad le gluasadan ann am poileasaidh agus an duilgheadas a tha aca bith-beò a dhèanamh.

Tha an aon rud fìor ann an seo, ged a tha na suidheachaidhean eadar-dhealaiche. Sa Ghearmailt, tha iad feargach nach bi dìosal dearg saor ri fhaighinn (chan eileas a’ beachdachadh air sin an seo) agus san Òlaind, tha iad mì-thoilichte leis na bacaidhean air a bhith a' cleachdadh stuthan ceimigeach (a-rithist, chan eil e a’ tachairt an seo gu faisg air an aon ìre).

Anns an Fhraing, an rìoghachd as motha anns an Roinn Eòrpa nuair a thig e gu àiteachas, tha na tuathanaich air na tractaran mòra aca a thoirt air na prìomh rathaidean agus iad feargach mu fharpais a’ tighinn à dùthchannan eile agus bacaidhean àrainneachd. Ach tha sin fìor mun a h-uile dùthaich, chan ann a-mhàin san Roinn-Eòrpa.

Mar a tha iad air sealltainn iomadh uair ron seo, chan eil leisg sam bith air tuathanaich na Frainge a dhol air an casan airson an toil fhèin fhaighinn. Tha an gnìomhachas air leth cudromach dhan dùthaich; luach 3.4% dhen eaconamaidh gu lèir. Mar choimeas, ann am Breatainn, chan eil e ach mu luach 0.5%.

‘S math an tuigse a th’ aig tuathanaich na Frainge air an sin agus sin as coireach gu bheil iad air na sràidean cho tric ‘s a tha. Dha-rìribh, tha cuid a’ cumail a-mach gun robh Poileasaidh Choitcheann an Àiteachais aig an Aonadh Eòrpach air a dhealbhadh dhaibh, leis an grèim a bh’ aca air an luchd-poileatiags aca fhèin agus cho cumhachdach ‘s bha iad sin taobh a-staigh an EU.

Ged a ghabhas a thuigs' carson a bhiodh farmad aig na tuathanaich ann an seo riutha, bu chòir slighe eile a ghabhail.

Tha mòran a tha math ri innse mu àiteachas ann an Alba agus mar a thathas a’ gluasad gu suidheachadh ùr nas bàidheile dhan àrainneachd. Ma gheibhear air ceist na taice-airgid a rèiteachadh, chan eil adhbhar sam bith nach gabh am mòr-sluagh ann an seo ri dè tha a' tachairt. Ach, ‘s e rud cugallach a tha ann an ìomhaigh.

Agus tha adhbhar eile carson a bu chòir eisimpleir nan Eòrpach a sheachnadh. Tha tòrr dhaoine a tha taiceil dha poileataigs na làimhe deise a’ gabhail a’ chothroim tighinn a-steach air na h-iomairtean seo, daoine nach eil idir a’ creidsinn gum bu chòir càil a dhèanamh le cuideachadh na h-àrainneachd.

An-uiridh, chunnaic sinn Riaghaltas ùr a’ tighinn am bàrr anns an Òlaind, tè bhon làimh dheis, agus bha sin gu mòr air muin bhòt agus mì-thoileachadh nan tuathanach.

Chan eil an aon rud ann an cunnart tachairt ann an seo, ach an dèidh sin, bu chòir a bhith faicealach nach tig an aon dhroch chliù a thoirt seachad.

English-language version:

With farming protests being held across the continent, there may be a temptation for some here to jump aboard the tractor-blocking bandwagon. But in this case, discretion would be the best part of valour. In Brussels, Germany, the Netherlands and especially so in France, those at the sharp end of agriculture are certainly making their feelings public about changes to policy and the current challenges they face in keeping their businesses afloat.

Much of that will be true also for the agricultural sector in Scotland, even if the individual circumstances differ. For example, in Germany the trigger point seems to have been the removal of tax exemption on red diesel (not currently on the cards here), while in the Netherlands they are angry about restrictions on the use of nitrogen (again not under consideration in any substantive way in the UK).

In France, the EU’s largest agricultural producer, farmers have taken to the highways in protest at cheaper imports and environmental regulations, but that’s in common with any food-producing nation, not just in Europe, but throughout the world. The French farming community, to their credit or shame depending on your view, has something of a record when it comes to holding their politicians over a barrel. The sector is of huge importance to the country, worth 3.4 per cent of its entire GDP; in the UK, by comparison, it’s 0.5 per cent.

It’s something the French farmers understand only too well which is why they are not slow to take to the streets to get their way. Indeed, many observers believe that the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy – of which, of course, we are no longer part – was for a long time designed to suit the French farmer on account of their influence over their politicians and the strength of the French in the EU bargaining process.

So, while it may be understandable for some envious glances to be cast across the Channel, farmers here should go canny and tread a different path. There is a positive story to tell over how much of Scottish agriculture is embracing the new environmental imperative and, if the funding issue can be addressed in due course, there is every reason they can get the public onside. But that will require Scottish produce to be seen as different and distinctive.

But there is another very good reason to avoid the public relations tactics of the Europeans. The farming protests over there are being hijacked in part by a far-right element, fuelled by climate change denial and underlying anger at social issues. Indeed, it was on the back of the farming vote that a Dutch populist right-wing government was elected last March.

There doesn’t appear to be any such danger of a similar thing happening in Scotland, but as any self-respecting farmer knows only too well mud has a tendency to stick.