Drugs policy is too vital to become yet another grievance of the SNP - Brian Monteith

When the SNP comes up with a key policy switch that, to have any possibility of being delivered requires a change in law at another arena it has no influence in, it is right to question the motives of Scottish Government Ministers.

The new policy might be the right one, but the possible motive behind it, of creating a nationalist grievance because it will not be able to make progress without the support of the UK Government – and this is unlikely to be forthcoming at this point in the electoral cycle – must mean it will only become even more divisive than such an already controversial approach is likely to be.

Myself, being of a libertarian bent, have always been relaxed about the possibility of returning to those that wish to take mind-altering drugs the freedom to do so. Nevertheless, having never taken any drugs other than those already legal, such as alcohol, caffeine or tobacco (in the form of cigars) the liberalisation of Class A drugs has never been a priority for me. It is something I could be convinced of, but if I were a legislator again I would want to see substantial hard evidence that I would not be committing many people to an early death. It is not something I would want on my conscience.

Nor could I support such a policy on the basis that it would never come to fruition because I would expect it to be stopped in another parliament. That would be utterly cynical and wholly dishonest, doing great damage to the electorate’s belief in the ability of democracy to deliver.

Forty-five years ago when I was a student activist, drug policy was for idealistic debates. I looked to the US experience of prohibition of alcohol in the 20s and early 30s and how the creation of a huge black market, the driving underground of manufacturing of booze, the exponential growth of organised crime around it, the increase in murders and deaths from drinking poisonous alcohol had similarities to the modern-day drug trade. Maybe licensing approved drugs would undermine crime gangs and fund tax revenues, just as ending prohibition had?

In the case of drugs, there were no real-life large-scale societal experiences people of my generation could refer to, so being an advocate of the decriminalisation of drug taking was a way of virtue-signalling your commitment to freedom of the individual. That has all changed. While the virtue-signalling still goes on there are now many international jurisdictions where a degree of liberalisation has taken place over a reasonable period of time that is worthy of study. We can learn from the outcomes; the successes, the failures and what improvements could be made if it was a policy that Scotland, or indeed the UK, might wish to pursue. Not all of it is encouraging so care must be taken.

There is also the fact there is not another Scottish Parliament election for three years and in that time it would be possible to form a special Holyrood cross-party committee that could take evidence from Scottish and international experts in the field, relevant interest groups and produce a report with carefully considered recommendations. Bringing forward cross-party legislation built on an evidence-based consensus is actually one of the jobs that Holyrood is meant to fulfil but which I see little of in these highly partisan times.

We could hear from the experience – good or bad – of Portugal; of Portland, Washington; Uruguay and other countries or states that have attempted to use liberalisation as a means to improve public health and undermine the organised crime that feeds of the drug trade.

Sadly, this is not what is being proposed by the SNP-Green administration that is under severe pressure for its catastrophic handling of drug rehabilitation policy. After little change in drug related deaths for the first seven years of SNP rule at Holyrood the tragic number of deaths began to climb significantly from 2014 – as if the administration’s eye had been taken off the ball by some other priority. By 2019 the number of Scots dying from drugs was per capita the highest in Europe and five times that of England and Wales despite operating under the same legislative regime.

The most obvious cause was the cuts to the rehabilitation budget that was eventually corrected but not until hundreds had died after rehab facilities had not been made available. Deaths have yet to fall significantly and yet this year the SNP-Greens again cut the budget by £1million – even more if you include inflation.

Before seeking more powers to try something completely different you might think being able to show serious intent after increasing the budget – maybe by foregoing an independence minister, swanky pretend embassies and trips to Cop27 at Sharm-el-Sheikh or the like – would earn credit and convince doubters it is not just another political ploy to sow division and manufacture a false grievance?

You might think, like me, the new drugs policy has the potential to become so divisive within society that it would be better if a government – preferably both the Scottish and UK administrations together – could carry the vast majority of people with them, thanks to the evidence of other countries being heard and a public debate initiated?

I do not believe the SNP-Green politicians are sincere – their policies are incoherent and contradictory. Any politician who thinks enforcing higher prices on alcohol that makes taking some drugs cheaper is not presenting an honest argument. Instead it is all about grooming young people’s votes. It is abominable and shameful.

Minimum Unit Pricing should be abolished, drug rehab should be given a budget boost, and Holyrood should be asked to hold an inquiry on drug policy. Until then decriminalising drug taking should not be supported.