Dave Moxham: STUC ‘undecided’ over future of the Union

TO THE surprise and frustration of many who are accustomed to us delivering clear and unequivocal views on major issues, the Scottish Trades Union Congress and the large majority of our affiliated unions continue to deliberate rather than profess a preferred outcome for the referendum vote on 14 September, 2014.

Members of the STUC march in Glasgow. Picture: Kate Chandler

The STUC’s historical position as the “Home Rule wing” of the labour movement led many to expect us to take what they see as the next natural step – a Yes vote. Others have assumed that the closeness of sections of the trade union movement to Labour, and our wider values of international solidarity, should lead us naturally to a No. Suffice to say, things are more complicated than that and a definitive position should not be expected anytime soon.

As with many other civic organisations, we have plenty of members on both sides of the debate who have passionately-held views, who have made their decision and are unlikely to change their minds.

In many cases, the drivers for these positions, particularly with respect to people’s sense of national identity, are not areas in which unions will be able to establish a singular view on behalf of the membership.

There is also a strong – and understandable – tendency for individual members to take a clear view based on their expectation of the impact of constitutional change on the specific industrial sectors in which they work – and the impact that will have on their jobs.

But it has also become increasingly clear, as we have gone about the job of consulting and discussing the issues within unions, that a substantial proportion of active members lie in the “undecided” category. Far from being apathetic or disinterested, these are the folk who are politically engaged, keen to be informed and also are likely to make their final decision based on which constitutional option is most likely to deliver social and economic justice in Scotland, whether as part of the United Kingdom or not.

Crucially, for these people, the answer to that question is not obvious, either because they distrust the quality of information they are currently receiving from the respective campaigns or because they are involved in a process of balancing the pros and cons of what they have heard.

It is with these people that the main political campaigns – understandably convinced of the absolute rightness of their respective cases – are continuing to fail to engage. There has certainly been a growing recognition that the debate on social justice is key to winning over the undecided. This is witnessed by the First Minister Alex Salmond’s statement that “only independence can protect the social fabric of Scotland” or Scottish Labour’s deputy Anas Sarwar saying: “We are excited about putting forward our case for Scotland in the United Kingdom based on Labour values of solidarity, community, fairness, equality and social justice.”

However, the fiscal evidence to support these claims and counter claims has not been reliable, with consequent cynicism that these aspirations will be achieved under either constitutional scenario.

The picture of the current UK state, presented by Gordon Brown and others, as an effective agent for redistribution and solidarity falls foul of the everyday experience of members faced with social insecurity, wage inequality and an inadequate welfare system. Scotland is certainly not the worst casualty of the geographical failures of the industrial and social policies of successive governments, but arguments that appear too comfortable with a system that has allowed the continuation of the current level of economic inequality are unlikely to resonate with our members.

Equally, the ideas that an independent Scotland could create an oil fund and significantly boost welfare spending at the same time as maintaining or reducing levels of taxation, or that it would enjoy full fiscal freedom while being a member of a single currency, tend to be greeted with incredulity.

The common weaknesses in these respective social justice narratives are two-fold.

First, neither challenges existing orthodoxies nor embraces new economic thinking in any meaningful way. Discussion of key issues, such as democratic ownership of the economy, wage inequality, and employment and trade union law – which are of key importance for many undecided members – have been considered by organisations such as the Jimmy Reid Foundation, the Red Paper Collective and, of course, the STUC, but thus far have not been dealt with in any depth by the mainstream campaigns.

Second, neither mainstream campaign has been prepared to accept that the likely reality of constitutional change is that it offers a trade-off of powers, bringing both advantages and disadvantages.

The increased fiscal powers which could come with independence might have to be balanced against reduced democratic influence over the setting of interest rates or financial regulation within a shared currency. A Scottish welfare system, independent and distinct from the rest of the UK would almost certainly loosen the extent to which social solidarity is delivered equally across these islands, but would most certainly enable future Scottish governments to better align employment, health and education policies with other social solidarity outcomes.

Unsurprisingly, trade unionists for whom the answer to the Yes or No question is not obvious also maintain a keen interest in further devolution. The option of an additional “devo-more” referendum question was favoured by many and the deliberations and outcome of the pro-Union parties, particularly Scottish Labour’s Devolution Commission, are likely to have a significant impact on the ultimate choice of many who lean towards support for additional tax-raising powers, increased control of welfare and possibly areas of employment law.

Throughout the autumn, Scottish unions will continue to consult with members, the STUC will hold a range of one-day conferences on key issues such as welfare, employment and fiscal policy, as well as holding sector-specific discussions in key areas such as defence, the civil service, energy, post and telecommunications. Early in 2014, a further report will be published. But, even then, it can be expected that most Scottish trade unions will make full use of the 350 or so days that are left in this campaign to explore the issues which affect our members and their families.

• Dave Moxham is deputy general-secretary the STUC