Wendy Alexander: How Dewar set the character of modern Scotland

Published on Tuesday 5 October 2010 15:42

'A GOOD man fallen amongst politicians' so ran The Scotsman headline following the death of Michael Foot earlier this year. It could equally well have applied to Donald Dewar.

Donald was remarkably learned. His passions were antiquarian books, Scottish art and football. Always a political moderate, he was still a New Labour non-conformist. He was frequently pessimistic and deliberative when the mood was for optimism and decisiveness. And whilst history has judged him right on the big decision, and he was held in affection by many, in 2000 he was routinely pilloried for a style unbecoming to his office.

So the out-pouring of grief at Donald's death surprised many. With hindsight, it is clear it reflected a mood of collective guilt about the treatment of Donald Dewar as First Minister and perhaps also towards the fledging parliament. As with John Smith, there was a pause in hostilities where we pondered what sort of politicians we want. Polished, media savvy and on message or dishevelled, sincere and reflective?

So what of his legacy: to country, party, and politics? Surprisingly there is still no biography. But in the 2005 collection on his life and legacy Professor Tom Devine assessed: his role in establishing a wider political consensus for a parliament; his personal credibility in helping secure a convincing result in the devolution referendum held within just 20 weeks of taking office; and his devolution scheme, whose form departed from the Convention's by devolving to Scotland everything not reserved specifically to Westminster. His scheme was a complete reversal of earlier plans that envisaged spelling out devolved areas case-by-case. That he negotiated this past the Whitehall warriors, and through Westminster, intact is a testament to his skills.

The pre-eminent architect of the devolution settlement, the sobriquet "father of the nation" stuck, although he loathed its tone of immodest self-aggrandisement. His political legacy as a Labour secretary of state and First Minister is less recognised although these were the achievements dearest to him. In his soul, he was a social democrat first and a constitutional architect second.

He did not govern in the good times. Labour took office promising to stick to Tory spending plans. Like today's politicians, he was coping with a budget declining in real terms and also contending with sky-high expectations around the parliament's arrival. In his view, column inches rarely correlated with lives changed. He not only disdained spin but also basic media management. He rarely recounted his achievements so nor did anyone else.

But his record is ripe for reappraisal.He was Secretary of State for Scotland and First Minister for less than four years, yet the character of post-devolution Scotland was set. But his legacy has been seriously underrated.

It brought fundamental land reform, including the right to roam, the abolition of feudalism and community land ownership rights. After a two decade hiatus, the start of the schools rebuilding programme, he helped negotiate Britain's first schools partnership to rebuild every secondary school in Glasgow, the Assisted Places Scheme was scrapped, nursery education extended to all and the reinvestment in teachers begun. A large-scale modern apprenticeship programme was also started.

Pensioner poverty was attacked through free central-heating systems and free off-peak local bus travel planned. Housing debt was tackled. The Scottish Drug Enforcement Agency, Drug Treatment and Testing Orders, and the first steps on anti-social behaviour sat alongside the first national fund to tackle domestic abuse. Recognition for carers. The creation of Scotland's first national parks. A far-reaching Freedom of Information Act. All are his legacy.

Finally, his political style challenges our prevailing political culture. He was lampooned for "hitting the ground strolling" because he disapproved of an "announcement a day" government. Instead he concentrated on devolution negotiations, the referendum, white paper, bill and ensuring the parliament's modus operandi differed radically from Westminster.

He was an atypical parliamentary leader. He rarely sought the limelight, was about causes rather than celebrity. He lacked the controlling instinct of many. He wanted to reason with colleagues not dragoon or dominate them. In consequence he had little appetite for party management and accepted his party's ways a little too readily. He had a reverence about the privilege of power, stemming from having achieved ministerial office more than 30 years after entering the Commons. He was a genuine believer in Cabinet government and in giving ministers their heads. This was revolutionary after the hierarchical style of successive Scottish secretaries, unconstrained by either strong ministerial colleagues or a powerful Westminster parliament.

Meaningful Cabinet government is harder in a media driven age as conflicts are played out in public. But, as his achievements attest, the reforming legacy can be much richer when leadership comes from across the Cabinet.

Although Labour to his core, he had friends in all parties. A passionate Scot, yet he wanted the Union to remain a comfortable home for all. Although possessed of a biting wit, Donald was also lacking in malice. Generous to opponents, he disputed without animosity, disagreed without aggression, debated without demeaning. He worried about his suitability for modern politics.But looking back, his achievements in delivering Scotland's parliament and shaping much of what has followed mark him out as one of the great Scots of the 20th century.

• Wendy Alexander is MSP for Paisley North, was special adviser to Donald Dewar, served in his Cabinet and edited Donald Dewar: Scotland's first First Minister (2005) Mainstream.