Jack McConnell: Ten tips for making coalition work

Published on Saturday 15 May 2010 22:40

Former First Minister Jack McConnell reveals the secrets of a strong, stable pact

THE breathless excitement that has greeted the Conservative/Liberal Democrat agreement would suggest that coalition government was a new phenomenon in peacetime British politics. But the Institute of Government has observed that there were five elections in the 20th century which produced a hung parliament and two Prime Ministers, James Callaghan and John Major, who saw their majorities disappear in office.

There were three formal coalition governments and, of course, the loose Lib-Lab pact of 1977-8. And here in Scotland since 1999, coalition government has been a fact of political life.

But can a pragmatic deal between two previously warring tribes really work for the benefit of the country, or will the UK's newest coalition end in tears?

I would argue that, if managed properly, coalition can produce strong, stable government and deliver transformative public policy – but the partners must follow some simple rules to have a chance of survival.

When I took over as First Minister in November 2001, devolution was in crisis. I was the third First Minister in two years, and the Scottish Parliament had been dogged with controversy from the start.

Public confidence in our new legislature and Scottish Government was low, with cynicism rapidly replacing the euphoria of the Parliament's opening ceremony.

But when I left office in May 2007, Scotland was a more confident, successful and healthier nation. We led the way in the UK on public policy – in immigration, through the Fresh Talent scheme; in public health, through the smoking ban.

Long overdue reforms to our justice system were well underway and there had been more improvement, investment and consistency in Scottish education than for decades.

Crucially, our economy, which had been flat-lining at the turn of the new century, had caught up with the rest of the UK and our population was increasing. Strengthening the economy was undoubtedly the biggest challenge for the coalition government I led. Scottish businesses and foreign companies considering investing in Scotland wanted reassurance that our government was building the right conditions for investment, and policy would not chop and change.

We were able to give them that and, by 2007, we had the highest employment rate in western Europe, we were winning awards for inward investment, and we were attracting people to come and live here, reversing decades of population decline. The stable coalition from which we built a government programme was key.

The economy will be top of Cameron and Clegg's in-tray too, but external relations may well be their biggest challenge. Cabinet discussions on public-sector cuts will be challenging, but the coalition should be able to reach agreement. The biggest challenges will come from external relations and events.

The coalition will face decisions that have global, life and death implications and those judgments will test their values and relationships more than anything else. And in Europe, William Hague will need all his undoubted skills if he is to reconcile his party's Euro-sceptics and the instinctively pro-European Lib Dems.

Watching the events of the past week unfold, it is clear the civil service has learned from the Scottish experience

The blueprint we used in Scotland in 2003, learning from the 1999 negotiations, was deployed to great effect. They dealt with the easier issues first, then compromised on the big policy divides, established the rules of engagement, brought on board parliamentary colleagues, and finally held a joint press conference to convey a collegiate atmosphere.

But the new government will have to work very hard every day for the next five years to make sure the coalition works in practice.

Here are my top ten tips for a successful political partnership.

1 Leaders must have personal trust. Jim Wallace and I trusted each other from the outset and our relationship set the tone for ministers and staff. Cameron and Clegg have made a great start, but their mutual admiration society will need to survive far more than the occasional set-piece press conference. Trusting each other in, for example, Prime Minister's Questions will be tough.

2 Agree a clear policy programme and priorities now and stick to it. The policy detail needs to be underpinned by a shared sense of purpose – and values. The coalition needs to be clear about what kind of country it is trying to build.

3 As in any successful relationship, compromise is necessary. Each partner must have the maturity to give and take a little, and sometimes a lot. For our second coalition in 2003, Labour wanted far-reaching legislation on crime and antisocial behaviour, and an agreement that economic growth was Scotland's top priority. The Liberal Democrats secured PR for local government. Only with both could either have been agreed.

4 Every partnership has disagreements so it is important that there is a clear dispute resolution mechanism in place, one that is understood and accepted by both sides. Our joint committee allowed us to hammer out the exact details of PR for local government without falling out. Nuclear power could be a similar test for Cameron and Clegg.

5 Governments need to be flexible, to respond to new opportunities as well as unexpected events. In 2005, the Scottish Government embraced the Make Poverty History campaign and established a new relationship with Malawi. International development was not prominent in the 2003 Partnership Agreement, but we seized the moment and supported the cause with creativity and commitment.

6 Use the agreed programme as a guide, not a straitjacket. In 2003 a ban on smoking looked unachievable, but by 2004 it was clear that the time was right for this fundamental change in Scotland's public health. And Scotland led the way for the rest of the UK.

7 The forthcoming Thirsk and Malton by-election is already winding up the commentators, but sometimes coalition partners need to go their separate ways. In the 2005 Cathcart by-election the Labour party and the Liberal Democrats argued their separate cases on the doorstep, while working together in government. And in 2003 we split up after four years together for the full election campaign. Jim Wallace and I challenged each other in the leaders' debates then came together to renegotiate our partnership based on the results.

8 People leave for all sorts of reasons and a partnership must be robust enough to cope with that. In 2001, after Henry McLeish (below) resigned, I had to persuade Lib Dem MSPs I deserved their support as First Minister. It was never automatic. In 2005, although I had worked well with Nicol Stephen (far left) in solving the exam crisis of 2000, he had to win over other Labour MSPs when he succeeded Jim Wallace.

9 All for one and one for all. A coalition government must have collective responsibility and ministers across the political divide must accept this discipline. Lib Dem ministers had to accept the standards I set for office, and they did. Both groups of MPs will need to be willing to back up ministers from the other party when the going gets tough, just as we did in Scotland when departmental controversy put individual ministers on the spot.

10 Finally, never forget the electorate. The primary purpose of any government is to serve the people, not narrow party interests. If the new coalition can set aside political and personal egos and focus on economic recovery then it might just survive, and even succeed. The new Labour leader must not underestimate that possibility.

Rt Hon Jack McConnell MSP was First Minister of Scotland 2001-2007